Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of communism, America.gov, as part of its feature “The Evolving Work of Democracy,” is asking academics and journalists from the United States and elsewhere to comment on the challenges to democracy that still lay ahead for countries of the former Eastern Bloc. What follows are their responses – and yours are welcomed as well.

What is the greatest challenge facing democracy in Bulgaria?

It is a firmly established fact that the political and social development of the new democracies of Eastern Europe has been strongly influenced by the specifics of the totalitarian regimes that ruled those countries for almost half a century. As far as Bulgaria was concerned, aside from the dominant Soviet factor, the local totalitarian regime happened to be a Balkan phenomenon which incorporated the worst traditions of the region, mixing cruelty with corruption and lack of dignity with an unprecedented servility while following the orders of a foreign power.

Beyond any doubt, during the period of Bulgarian Stalinism the country was subjected to a level of terror matching the record of the world’s most repressive societies. It was this regime which on November 10, 1989, became one of the immediate casualties of the destruction of the Berlin Wall.

The first period of the newest stretch of the Bulgarian history was marked by the emergence of two diametrically opposed trends. On one hand, a quick disintegration of the totalitarian model was achieved through the unexpected magnitude of pressure from anti-Communist opposition. As a result, the newspapers are free of censorship, the elections are relatively fair, and the growing young generation is accepting democracy as something not only natural, but also as something that has existed forever.

On the other hand, part of the old nomenclature retained its influence on Bulgaria’s economy by creating firms and companies that seemingly followed the rules and the requirements of capitalism, but were ultimately corrupt. Some experts believe the situation is improving, however: As legitimate businessmen and entrepreneurs learn to effectively invest and produce goods, the economy is being decriminalized.

The main challenge Bulgaria will face for a long period of time is determined by the demographic calamity plaguing the Bulgarian population. There are four countries which reached the point of no return in their falling demographics. In this respect Bulgaria shares the company of Germany, Russia and Lithuania. Can we expect the country to repeat the Irish scenario that transformed Ireland from the poorest country of the European Union into one of the richest? Can we count on the gradual evolution of the transformation of the country into a true democratic society given the increasing role of the intellectuals, managers and entrepreneurs who had grown in the post-totalitarian era?

Maybe such a scenario is plausible and possible. What is absolutely certain, however, is the gigantic effort the Bulgarian people will have to make in order for their country to become an integral part of a new, democratic Europe.

Learn more about Georgy Gounev

Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of communism, America.gov, as part of its feature “The Evolving Work of Democracy,” is asking academics and journalists from the United States and elsewhere to comment on the challenges to democracy that still lay ahead for countries of the former Eastern Bloc. What follows are their responses – and yours are welcomed as well.

What is the greatest challenge to democracy in Bulgaria?

Twenty years ago, Bulgaria was still under the rule of the dictator Todor Zhivkov. Nowadays, Bulgaria is a member of both NATO and the European Union. Elections in Bulgaria are meaningful, free, and fair, and political debate is spirited. Political parties actively compete for power, knowing that even if they lose in one election, they stand a chance of winning in the next. Power changes hands regularly and smoothly, and no party feels the need to destroy its opponents, for fear of being permanently marginalized otherwise. Freedom of speech and respect for human rights are well entrenched. In many respects, then, liberal democracy has taken firm root in Bulgaria — something that seemed inconceivable two decades ago.

Even so, the democratic system in Bulgaria faces daunting challenges, above all the corruption that plagues almost every segment of Bulgarian society — corruption that I have experienced firsthand during my frequent visits to Bulgaria. Petty corruption is so commonplace that most Bulgarians take it for granted. High-level corruption in Bulgaria reached new heights under the previous government. The EU was so dismayed by the persistence of high-level corruption that it cut off all funding to Bulgaria in July 2008, a suspension that remains in effect to this day. The government that emerged after Bulgaria’s July 2009 elections has pledged to crack down on corruption, but the success of these efforts remains to be seen.

A closely related problem is the tenaciousness of organized crime. Organized criminal gangs in Bulgaria, most of which have close ties to organized crime in Russia and Ukraine, have established networks in Sofia and other key cities, seeking to keep out potential rivals. Since 2000, several leading political figures in Bulgaria, including the former prime minister, have been tied to organized crime. The strength of organized crime is a challenge not only for the Bulgarian economy but also for the future of democracy in Bulgaria.

One further challenge for Bulgaria is its heavy dependence on Russia for energy sources, especially natural gas. Bulgaria receives 96 percent of its natural gas from Russia, leaving the country vulnerable to Moscow’s pressure. The Russian government’s prolonged termination of gas supplies flowing through Ukraine in January 2009 took a severe toll in Bulgaria, underscoring the country’s dependence on Russia. The previous Bulgarian government headed by Sergei Stanishev sought to foster extremely close ties with Russia, a country that has become increasingly authoritarian over the past nine years. The new Bulgarian government led by Boiko Borisov has sought to move away from Moscow, reversing the policy of the Stanishev government. Over the long term, however, Bulgaria will remain highly dependent on Russian energy supplies unless alternative sources can be developed — something that appears unlikely for the time being.

Learn more about Mark Kramer.

Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of communism, America.gov, as part of its feature “The Evolving Work of Democracy,” is asking academics and journalists from the United States and elsewhere to comment on the challenges to democracy that still lay ahead for countries of the former Eastern Bloc. What follows are their responses – and yours are welcomed as well.

What is the greatest challenge facing democracy in Croatia?

Two years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, Croatia declared its independence in 1991. However, for Croatia, the twin legacies of communist rule and the Balkan wars created an underground power base comprised of organized crime, corrupt government officials and their private partners in crime. The work of dismantling communist structures to establish democratic institutions was severely hampered by President Franjo Tudjman’s authoritarian rule in the 1990s.

Just a year ago, Ivana Hodak, the 26-year-old daughter of a lawyer defending former assistant defense minister Vladimir Zagorec, was executed in front of her apartment. Two weeks later, Ivo Pukanic, publisher of Nacional, and his associate, Niko Franic, were assassinated in a car bomb explosion in the capital, Zagreb. The alarming trends in Croatia reveal assassinations of prominent individuals, murder attempts and the rise of physical beatings of independent journalists investigating political corruption and organized crime.

The Reporters without Borders’ 2009 annual press freedom report reveals Croatia’s drastic drop — some 33 places lower in the world rankings, and far behind Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. The European Union’s 2009 Progress Report states, “The potential for undue political influence over the judiciary remains.”

Through the Balkan Route drugs, weapons and illegally trafficked humans are brought to the EU Interpol says the central path of this organized-crime trail runs through Turkey, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Slovenia and into either Italy or Austria. The turmoil in Afghanistan and Pakistan and resurgent terrorist networks have converged with the Balkan Route’s operators into a profitable alliance that brings Southwest Asian heroin to Europe.

Conflicts of interest, money laundry schemes, fixed public tenders and embezzlement of public funds have become the most common means of amassing wealth and have led to the vast unexplained wealth of high-ranking politicians and their partners in Croatia. Organized crime and criminal capitalism thrives in today’s Croatia.

Croatia’s subverted rule of law, a politically influenced judiciary, weak protection of property rights and rampant political corruption represent a vicious cycle which has been impossible to break from within.

Over the past decade, over one billion dollars were sent by U.S. and EU member states’ taxpayers to Croatia’s government. However, there are no real reform results. Instead, funds should be used to send visiting judges and prosecutors (from nations with a strong rule of law tradition) to support Croatia’s judicial experts in seizing assets of illicit enrichment and establishing an independent judiciary.

For Croatia’s people, nearly 20 years have passed without economic and political freedom. Croatia’s citizens seek justice, freedom and functioning democratic institutions.

Learn more about Natasha Srdoc.

Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of communism, America.gov, as part of its feature “The Evolving Work of Democracy,” is asking academics and journalists from the United States and elsewhere to comment on the challenges to democracy that still lay ahead for countries of the former Eastern Bloc. What follows are their responses – and yours are welcomed as well.

What is the greatest challenge to democracy in Slovakia?

Democracy is alive and well in Slovakia as witnessed by the elections of the last 20 years. The defeated parties turned over power to the victors without any threats or use of violence. Parliamentary debates, while quite raucous (as in Canada), have not degenerated into any violence. Voting has been fair and orderly. My only concern is with the judiciary. It is not as independent as it should be. Judges are under pressure to conform to the current government’s wishes. Many of the judges were appointed during the communist era, and do not really understand the concept of an independent judiciary. It will be many years before a new generation of judges, free from the taint of Communism, will replace the “old guard.” On the other hand, we should not forget that, even in the United States and Canada, the appointment of judges is often controversial. Generally speaking, the Republicans in the USA want conservative judges to be appointed to the Supreme Court and the Democrats liberal judges. The same is true in Canada — the Conservatives want judges reflecting their political philosophy and the Liberals theirs. So, the Slovak parties are not so different from ours. But, as mentioned earlier, it will be some time before a new generation of judges replaces those appointed during the communist era. The new judges will better appreciate their role as independent mediators between politicians and society at large.

Learn more about Professor M. Mark Stolarik.

Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of communism, America.gov, as part of its feature “The Evolving Work of Democracy,” is asking academics and journalists from the United States and elsewhere to comment on the challenges to democracy that still lay ahead for countries of the former Eastern Bloc. What follows are their responses – and yours are welcomed as well.

What is the greatest challenge facing democracy in Hungary?

Democracy in practice is not challenged in Hungary. Elections are free and fair. Citizens are free and equal before the law. Although there are worrying elements of discrimination and violence against Roma communities in the country, including the growth of extremist political factions (present in many democratic states, which cannot be tolerated), the basic principles of democracy in Hungary and their practice are strong. But democracy today encompasses more than ballot boxes and free choice. In a larger sense, democracy today is about belonging to a greater community of same-minded states, a democratic community of nations that are allies in word and deed — no matter their size, large or small. Challenging democracy in Hungary today is the nation’s belief in and sense of belonging to this democratic community.

When allies make policies outside of this democratic community, especially decisions impacting the Central and East European region, faith in this community of allies — of democratic states — slowly erodes. There is a need for communication within this community to generate greater cooperation and collaboration on issues of mutual concern. There are many domestic and foreign challenges that Hungary needs help with: tackling the impact of the global financial crisis, managing extremist political elements, working with Hungary to ensure security and stability on the region’s borders, to name just a few. Working together with allies to overcome challenges is preferable to going it alone. More regular meetings could be held in response to crises and could include lower-ranking officials and specialist agencies, as well as parliamentarians and policy analysts. It is therefore essential to keep a constant commitment from the allies, especially the United States, and this is the biggest challenge facing Hungarian democracy today.

Learn more about Ilona Teleki.

Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of communism, America.gov, as part of its feature “The Evolving Work of Democracy,” is asking academics and journalists from the United States and elsewhere to comment on the challenges to democracy that still lay ahead for countries of the former Eastern Bloc. What follows are their responses – and yours are welcomed as well.

Kosovo’s contested sovereignty is clearly hindering its progress toward democratization. The U.N. Security Council’s Resolution 1244 was meant to lay the groundwork for a resolution to the crisis in Kosovo, but it never offered a clear determination of whether Kosovo should remain part of Serbia or become independent. (See http://www.wilsoncenter.org/topics/pubs/MR350Borgen.doc for more information.) When attempts by the international community to lead Kosovo through a conditional and negotiated independence (through the “Standards before Status” process, the Atisaari plan and the attempt at direct negotiations between Kosovar and Serb leaders) ultimately came to naught, Kosovo declared its independence unilaterally in February 2008. But even this declaration has not resolved the issue, given that Serbia still has claims on Kosovo’s sovereignty, and there is a question of whether an international consensus has been reached on Kosovo’s independence — significantly, five of 27 EU member states have not yet recognized Kosovo.

Sovereignty does not typically feature as an indicator of democracy, so why get hung up on status? Why not work on elections, political party reform, anti-corruption and civil society building, which, after all, are the concerns of most democracy-promotion initiatives? Indeed, the international initiatives in the region have been doing just that: addressing the nuts and bolts of building democratic institutions, training police and judges and supporting NGO development. Despite these efforts, however, sovereignty cannot be ignored because the lack of consensus on status has created two distinct legal and institutional systems, each catering to a specific ethnic group, with neither enjoying the legitimacy needed of a true democracy. While some observers have suggested that Kosovo be partitioned along ethnic lines, it would be morally indefensible in a modern Europe, and would set a destabilizing precedent on the continent.

At the same time, endlessly debating Kosovo’s status has left the people of Kosovo and Serbia in stasis. Rather than making progress on economic and political reform, politicians there are mired in symbolic politics, in which contested historical visions of the nation and narratives of national victimization trump the state’s responsibility to meet the needs of its citizens and protect the rights of its people.

Thus, it is difficult to build a democracy without the foundation of sovereignty and legitimacy, but endlessly debating the sovereignty issue has distracted both governments from their responsibilities to their people. How can we get out of Kosovo’s Catch-22? The consensus between the United States and the European Union seems to be that Kosovo’s democracy-building efforts should be tethered to European norms on democracy and minority rights, as defined by the Council of Europe and the European Union. At the same time, it is hoped that the promise of European Union membership will be a driver for political and economic reform, in both Serbia and Kosovo, so that politicians redirect their focus on meeting the needs of their constituents. This will be incredibly challenging for the European Union, but with the strong support of its trans-Atlantic partner — the United States — it is the best hope for bringing democracy, peace and prosperity to the Western Balkans.

Learn more about Nida Gelazis.